French pundit Eric Zemmour takes half in a debate previous to the promotion launch occasion for his new e book “France hasn’t stated its final phrase” (La France n’a pas dit son dernier mot) on October 04, 2021 in Paris, France. (Picture by Chesnot/Getty Pictures)

France is locked in a political stagnation. It seems condemned to a perpetual conflict between the identical forces: the best’s “Nationwide Rally” (previously the “Nationwide Entrance”) accused of wanting “to destroy democracy” and the “Republican entrance” of firm events that align themselves to “cease fascism.” French society, nonetheless, sends alerts that it needs to get out of this deadlock. The Emmanuel Macron-Marine Le Pen duel in 2022—a repeat of the 2017 election—is seen as undesirable by as many as 70 % of the French individuals.

The polls have recognized a brand new potential candidate who might break this political impasse. The most recent surveys present that French columnist and journalist for Le Figaro, Éric Zemmour, has an opportunity to upset the following election. The highway from the TV studio and writing research to the Elysée Palace could also be shorter than it appears.

Many commentators stress that such a fast rise in help has not been seen within the latest historical past of the French Republic. A sensational Harris Interactive ballot for Challenges journal exhibits that Zemmour can depend on 17 % of the vote within the first spherical. Help for the columnist continues to develop, though he nonetheless hasn’t formally introduced his candidacy. He’s at present on a tour selling his newest e book, La France n’a pas dit son dernier mot.

It’s onerous to disclaim that the promotion of the e book resembles a pre-election tour of the nation. In July, the journalist might depend on solely 5 % of votes, however right this moment he has reached double-digit figures. Simply a few weeks in the past, few factors separated him from Marine Le Pen, the chief of Nationwide Rally (Rassemblement nationwide). Now he’s forward of her by 2 %. If the election have been held right this moment, the run-off would come with not Le Pen however Zemmour in opposition to Macron.

The columnist’s possibilities of coming into the second spherical, if he chooses to enter the race in any respect, have turn out to be actual. It’s a blow to Le Pen, whose marketing campaign on this 12 months’s regional elections proved a bitter disappointment. Her father, Jean-Marie, founding father of the Entrance nationwide, would additionally see the journalist within the second spherical. In an interview with Le Monde, he stated that if Zemmour have been to be the strongest candidate on the best, he would most definitely endorse him.

One other Institut français d’opinion publique research reveals the distinctiveness of Zemmour’s candidacy. His help shouldn’t be confined to at least one group of the voters. He’s the one right-wing candidate to win the sympathies of two teams which were cut up between Rassemblement nationwide and the liberal-conservative Les Républicains to this point, gathering help each among the many well-liked courses—peripheral France voting for Le Pen—and the conservative bourgeoisie, which has till now voted for Les Républicains. This makes him in impact the primary determine in French politics who would have the ability to understand the legendary Union des droites, the unification of the best. For years, columnists, thinkers and politicians have been speaking in regards to the concept of uniting the best, bringing collectively the nationalists and conservatives to defeat the left and the liberals. Nonetheless, such a synthesis by no means got here to fruition as a result of nobody was capable of embody it.

With Zemmour, this has modified. The institution fears his candidacy. First his writer, Albin Michel, deserted him, terminating his contract, regardless of a few years of cooperation and glorious industrial outcomes (his books bought tons of of 1000’s of copies, with Le Suicide français being the most important success—nearly 500,000). His appearances on the night political discuss present on Canal+ have been watched by an viewers of virtually one million individuals. The CSA, the state physique that regulates tv and radio, compelled Zemmour off the present in September, sustaining that as a “potential candidate” he mustn’t have a lot time on air.

Zemmour’s place within the polls has induced nervousness on the best, too. Christian Jacob, president of Les Républicains, the mainstream center-right get together, described the columnist as a “media candidate” with whom he needs nothing to do. Michel Barnier, who has ambitions to win the get together’s main, claimed he didn’t wish to waste time speaking a few journalist whose views he doesn’t share. Xavier Bertrand, a favourite in the identical main declared that Zemmour’s concepts are “monstrous” (within the polls the columnist has a 4 level lead over him).

French politicians, particularly on the best, try to discredit him. But, in response to Zemmour himself, they’re adopting his language. Valérie Pécresse, who can also be working within the Les Républicains main, speaks of a “conflict of civilizations”—a favourite expression of the columnist, who’s a eager reader of Huntington. And Barnier calls for that France be free of the oversight of the European Court docket of Human Rights—one other staple of Zemmour’s writing, who speaks bluntly of a “authorities of judges” that strips European states of their sovereignty.

The columnist himself remains to be undecided as as to if he’ll run in 2022. Nonetheless, his new e book, La France n’a pas dit son dernier mot (“France has not stated its final phrase”), provides a pair clues. First, the very title denies that France’s decline is unstoppable. Secondly, he recollects a dialog together with his son: “Sooner or later, once I was sharing my pleasure with my son in regards to the revival within the public debate of the assimilationist theses, which I had carried alone for a very long time, he retorted: ‘You made the prognosis a very long time in the past. Now it’s time to behave.’”

It’s tough to guess what Zemmour will finally do. In a latest interview he stated outright that he was nonetheless hesitating. What we do know, nonetheless, is his imaginative and prescient of France and the worldview that emerges from his books. It’s these concepts and declarations, which already set the tone for the talk on the French proper, that may body his program if he joins the race for the presidency.

There may be one politician whose concepts, and path to candidacy, resemble these of Zemmour. It’s Pat Buchanan. A former advisor to Richard Nixon, he, just like the Frenchman, rose to prominence by way of political discuss exhibits. Each set themselves the purpose of placing a cease to the revolution of the Nineteen Sixties, and even of reversing it. For each, sovereignty is a non-negotiable worth they usually share a hostile angle in direction of worldwide establishments. Towards free commerce they each advocate protectionism. Buchanan needed to defend the center People, whereas the Frenchman stands up for France périphérique, individuals from small cities and cities. Buchanan didn’t turn out to be president, however he ready the Trump phenomenon (one other determine Zemmour has been in comparison with). With out Buchanan, there would have been no victory in 2016.


Many commentators on the best who’re sympathetic to Zemmour level out his apparent weak spot: He doesn’t present his emotions; it’s tough to narrate to him. True, the chilly and good logic of his arguments leaves little room for empathy or emotion. And but on the supply of his books lies a longing, an emotion that evokes photographs of a France that’s disappearing.

Zemmour comes from a household of Algerian Jews. His father, born in Algeria, admired de Gaulle, and, regardless that the overall had separated Algeria from France, he voted for him with conviction, “by no means ceasing to take delight within the Basic’s language, endlessly repeating his greatest phrases.” Zemmour confesses in his final e book that he had at all times regarded the truth that Algeria had been conquered by France, in consequence of which he had been integrated into the French nation, as “an unlimited privilege.” That’s the reason he watched with such dismay how the French suburbs, the banlieu, as soon as filled with those that understood the privilege of being French, have been altering. A long time of immigration have reworked past recognition acquainted locations the place Zemmour grew up. “They ceased to be France,” he says.

Zemmour’s books are principally essays on French historical past. Current occasions are mirrored within the mirror of the previous, exhibiting the continuity of tendencies, threats, and alternatives. The creator himself has expressed his perception that the one option to perceive what is occurring to France right this moment is to write down her historical past.

Within the eyes of the columnist, over the previous a long time France has skilled three turning factors. The primary of them was the Could revolt of 1968. This date marks the start of Le Suicide français, because the title of certainly one of his books places it. The coed revolt of ’68 was for the Gaullist republic what 1789 meant for the Capetian monarchy, a rupture. The decomposition begins, which Zemmour has put within the formulation of three Ds: Deconstruction, Derision, Destruction. This “trinity of ’68…will undermine all of the foundations of conventional constructions: household, nation, work, state and college.”

One other turning level was the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. In Zemmour’s view, it was then that France stated goodbye to sovereignty and democracy grew to become largely a façade. A brand new political divide was born: on the one facet the left, the best, the centrists, the liberals, the media, creative and monetary elites, the winners of globalization, and on the opposite facet its forgotten losers.

The 2005 referendum on the European Structure sealed the destiny of France. The individuals rejected the European Structure, the “no” gained. However they weren’t listened to. Nicolas Sarkozy would later undertake the Lisbon Treaty with out asking the French for his or her opinion. It was the final nail pushed into the coffin of French democracy, or so Zemmour thought on the time. And but, as he writes in his newest e book, he understood that France would face an excellent worse destiny if it misplaced the desire to struggle and gave in.

In Zemmour’s prognosis, Could ’68 is a hydra that emerges in all areas of social, political, and cultural life. Contemporaries, such because the well-known sociologist Raymond Aron, thought that it was a revolution with out substance that failed to attain something. Zemmour finds such an evaluation misguided: “Could ’68 didn’t overthrow a regime, however it conquered society by turning it in opposition to the nation.” It represented the precise reversal of 1789. The revolution was a preferred upheaval in opposition to the aristocracy and feudal relations, and “a victory of Spartan advantage in opposition to the rule of girls within the courts and salons.” Could ’68 introduced the revenge of the oligarchs, the victory of internationalism over the nation, the vengeance of the brand new feudal lords upon the state, the victory of feminism over masculinity.

The flagship slogan of the rebellious college students, “Jouissons sans entrave,” shortly became an promoting slogan. It grew to become the precept of the patron society, to which one of many boundaries had been the patriarchal household mannequin, not geared in direction of boundless hedonistic consumption. “The glorification of homosexuality by the promoting system is one facet of the coin, the opposite is the denigration and delegitimization of the standard household mannequin,” writes Zemmour.

The victory of feminism marked by Could ’68 was, within the eyes of the essayist, Pyrrhic. It was not a triumph of liberated girls, fairly a victory of males who didn’t wish to get tied down. However feminists have a good time the conclusion of the dream of rejecting all accountability: no have to get married to have intercourse; abortion out there on demand; divorce attainable on the spot. These transformations have led to “the disintegration of the household on a scale the West has by no means seen earlier than in its historical past.”

For the elites which have emerged from Could ’68, explains Zemmour, “the cultural cohesion that we now have managed to protect regardless of nineteenth century immigration is one thing suspect; to demand assimilation quantities to xenophobia; attachment to historical past, to our heroes, is for them an affidavit to our racist vanity.”


Liberalism has a weak custom in Latin international locations, regardless of some well-known exponents reminiscent of Bastiat or Fixed. In France, Spain, or Italy no sturdy colleges of liberal thought emerged. Zemmour, as a declared enemy of liberalism, is subsequently very Latin on this respect. For the French journalist, liberalism is before everything an ideology of elites detached to the curiosity of their very own nation, filled with contempt for their very own individuals.

Utilizing financial arguments, liberalism opened the best way to mass immigration. The identical liberalism initiated the processes of deindustrialization and relocation that left plenty of immigrants unemployed, worsening their state of affairs and rising the tensions between them and the society that obtained them. Liberal ideology, in response to Zemmour, is among the main causes of the anomie into which France is descending.

Liberalism, nonetheless, wouldn’t have had such an affect on the form of French society and economic system have been it not for the European Union. It was the Single European Act that opened the best way to the free motion of capital, items, and other people. It meant the tip of sovereign, unbiased financial coverage and, as Zemmour factors out, the tip of French business.

French liberals, the columnist argues, are incomparably worse than their English or American counterparts. The reforms launched by Thatcher and Reagan have been accompanied by a revival of patriotism and nationwide pleasure, whereas liberal insurance policies in France have been accompanied by bland slogans devoid of patriotism and a give up of sovereignty.

It was the liberals who sacrificed French business. Zemmour estimates that in 2014, 50 % of the worth of the businesses on the CAC 40 was in international possession. “Nationwide champions,” created with nice effort underneath Presidents de Gaulle and Georges Pompidou, ceased to be nationwide. Unequal competitors with China reshaped the panorama of French business much more profoundly. “Within the subject of business,” the French essayist grimly observes, “France has really gone again to the nineteenth century, when it was an agricultural nation.”

For Zemmour, protectionism is the one wholesome financial coverage. Free commerce, he argues, shouldn’t be solely about financial rules, it’s also a whole imaginative and prescient of man and society, the place the citizen “is seen extra as a client than as a member of a nationwide neighborhood, extra as a citizen of the world than as a patriot.” He reminds us that the disaster of 1869-1873 was extra extreme than that of 1929 and recollects the determine of Jules Méline, who ended the reign of free commerce in France. This reformer would introduce protectionism and tariffs that will result in the revival of the French economic system and business.

Zemmour is an open enemy of the European Union. Not solely does he consider, as de Gaulle did, that the European neighborhood is a canopy for Pax Americana, however, what’s extra, he sees it as the last word expression of the oligarchic tendencies of an elite filled with contempt for its personal individuals. It’s ruled by dignitaries who haven’t been elected in any means, by officers who really feel accountable to nobody. In 2010, when the slogan “save the euro” was on the lips of all E.U. officers, the final scruples disappeared. Then, in response to Zemmour, the European Fee stopped pretending to respect parliaments and began overtly dictating its phrases. When the Greek prime minister proposed a referendum on leaving the eurozone, Merkel and Sarkozy compelled him to desert the concept after which to resign. The infamous “couple franco-allemand” was at work.

In Zemmour’s eyes, the French-German couple is nothing however a delusion. The time period by no means seems in German public debate, it’s only utilized in Paris. The French have lengthy deluded themselves {that a} united Europe can be an enlarged France. It seems that Europe didn’t turn out to be extra French, however extra German. German hegemony in Europe has turn out to be unquestionable. “Any longer, no essential resolution may be taken with out Berlin’s approval, and our presidents always remember to go to Berlin instantly after elections. As if it have been there, just like the kings of previous in Reims, that they have been ordained,” he writes.

The abdication of sovereignty in favor of the E.U. and its subordination to Berlin are, in response to the French journalist, examples of the treason of the elites. Jean-Claude Trichet’s phrases when he grew to become president of the European Central Financial institution completely encapsulates the shift. His first official assertion was in English: “I’m not French.”

The historic picture that Zemmour evokes to sentence this revolt of the elites is Madame de Staël and her salon on the Swiss fort Coppet. Her admiration for Germany and her pleasure at Napoleon’s defeats make her and her circle an archetype of the renegade elite. It’s she who opens the family tree of French liberals and progressives who, because the columnist writes, “incessantly search a international grasp, whether or not English or German, Russian or American. And tomorrow maybe a Chinese language, Indian or Arab one.” What Germany was to de Staël and the elites round her, which they admired a lot that they renounced their very own homeland, Islam is to modern French elites. “Islam is the Germany of our technology,” Zemmour argues. “Actors, singers, writers and journalists converse with one voice, defending Islam as a faith of peace, love and tolerance.”

It’s value asking whether or not Zemmour needs to be known as a conservative. It appears that evidently he would most readily comply with be described as a “populist.” He is among the few figures in European public life who gladly admits to this label. He as soon as outlined the phenomenon as “the cry of countries that don’t wish to die.” Elsewhere he defined {that a} populist is solely somebody who sides with the individuals. All his speeches and books counsel that in his eyes the horizontal divide between left and proper has misplaced its which means. He thinks when it comes to a unique divide, a vertical one: the oligarchy, the winners of globalization, versus the bizarre individuals, the losers of globalization.

The French columnist is also simply described as a “civilizationalist.” It’s a time period coined by Daniel Pipes, an American political scientist, to characterize these politicians for whom the precedence is to struggle to protect the id of the Western civilization, by opposing mass immigration and the rising affect of Islam. Zemmour usually makes use of such civilizationalist rhetoric in his quite a few tv appearances and books. In his newest he writes: “one should select the facet on which one will struggle within the conflict of civilizations that’s happening on our soil.”

If the journalist does certainly determine to run, he must handle the contradictions of his message. He needs France to regain sovereignty over immigration, tariffs, and industrial coverage, however how can this be performed with out leaving the European Union or altering the treaties? It is a drawback Zemmour is reluctant to lift as a result of he dangers dropping help among the many a part of the voters he so desperately wants: the patriotic bourgeoisie. The query of whether or not the French columnist will observe in Buchanan’s footsteps stays open. Will Zemmour win in 2022, or will he put together the best way for a future candidate—maybe Marion Maréchal—who will lead the eventual triumph of his concepts?

Krzysztof Tyszka-Drozdowski is a author and an analyst in one of many Polish governmental businesses overseeing industrial coverage. He may be adopted on Twitter at @ktdrozdowski.

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